By J.
T. Headley
Comprising the early life and
public services of the prominent naval commanders who, with Grant and Sherman
and their generals, brought to a triumphant close the great rebellion of
1861-1865. (First edition 1867)
(Return to table of contents of this book)
CHAPTER
XXIII
REAR-ADMIRAL
JOHN A. DAHLGREN
HIS
BIRTH AND ANCESTRY—ENTERS THE NAVY—FIRST CRUISE—ON THE COAST SURVEY, UNDER
HASSLER—DISTINGUISHED AS A MATHEMATICIAN—HASSLER’S ESTIMATION OF HIS
ABILITY—MADE SAILING-MASTER IN THE SOUTHERN EXPLORING EXPEDITION—DECLINES
THE APPOINTMENT—LOSES THE USE OF HIS EYES—GOES TO PARIS—PAIXHAN GUN—GOES
ON A FARM—CRUISE IN THE MEDITERRANEAN—ASSIGNED TO ORDNANCE DUTY—PLACED
OVER THE ROCKET DEPARTMENT—HIS LABORS—TESTS THE RANGE OF THE 32-POUNDERS OF
THE NAVY—ORIGINATES THE BOAT HOWITZER—RESOLVES TO REVOLUTIONIZE NAVAL
ARMAMENT—HISTORY OF HIS DIFFICULTIES AND FINAL SUCCESS—SHELL
GUNS—PUBLISHES HIS WORK ON BOAT ARMAMENT—OTHER WORKS—SHELLS AND SHELL
GUNS—SAILS IN THE PLYMOUTH TO TEST HIS OWN GUNS—SETTLES DIFFICULTIES IN
MEXICO—DESIGNS A FOUNDRY—RIFLED GUNS—PLACED OVER THE NAVY YARD AT
WASHINGTON—PREPARES FOR AN ATTACK—ACCOUNT OF HIS SERVICES HERE—INTERVIEW
WITH PRESIDENT LINCOLN—CHIEF OF THE BUREAU OF ORDNANCE—HIS SON
ULRIC—PLACED OVER THE SOUTH ATLANTIC BLOCKADING SQUADRON—HIS SERVICES BEFORE
CHARLESTON, AND HIS DIFFICULTIES WITH GILL1MORE—CLOSE OF THE WAR—IMPRESSIVE
FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF HIS SON—HIS CHARACTER.
It is not often that, after a
series of great naval victories by others, a man who took little part in them
can point back to years of peace, and say, "Then I was laying the
foundation of them all;" but this Dahlgren can with perfect truth assert.
In almost every action that has been fought, he can see the triumph of his
inventive genius, and, in the trial of all kinds of ordnance in actual combat,
the complete success of his own. A ship’s armament cannot be given, without
mentioning the name of Dahlgren, and it occurs in the report of almost every
combat that has occurred, till he seems to be omnipresent in the navy.
It is a little singular, that
our navy should be so much indebted to Sweden for the great changes that have
come over it. Ericcson, a Swede, gave us the monitors, and the son of a Swede
has entirely revolutionized the armament of our vessels of war, for the father
of Dahlgren was a native of Sweden, and educated at Uppsala. A ripe scholar, he
emigrated while still a young man to this country, and engaged in mercantile
pursuits in Philadelphia. He married into one of the old wealthy families of
that city—distinguished in our War for Independence for their patriotism.
Rowan, Dahlgren’s grandfather, fought bravely at Princeton and Germantown.
John, the eldest son, was born in November, 1809, in Philadelphia, on the spot
where now stands the City Exchange.
The father died in 1824,
leaving only enough property to support the widow, and John early sought to
obtain a midshipman’s berth in the navy. His application was at first refused,
and he came very near giving up all hopes of securing the appointment. But
fortunately for the country, he at last succeeded, and received his warrant,
Feb. 1st, 1826. His first cruise was in the Macedonian,
the British ship captured by us in the war of 1812. Her commander was Commodore
Biddle, who in the same war captured the sloop-of-war Penguin. Dahlgren served six years, and then passed his examination,
and received the warrant of passed Midshipman. He was remarkable for his
proficiency in mathematics, and hence was detached from the regular service, and
put on the coast survey, under Mr. Hassler, who at the time had no equal as a
mathematician in the country. He was selected to serve in the triangulation of
the survey, and assist in the astronomical observations, as well as the
measurement of the base on Long Island-the first base line ever measured
scientifically in this country-that of Mason and Dixon being merely a chain and
compass measurement.
So high was Hassler’s
opinion of his mathematical skill, that he chose him to make the counter
calculations of the base, to compare with and verify his own. He was engaged in
these labors from 1834 to 1836, when he was selected to assist in making
observations of the solar eclipses of that year. In the autumn, he was offered
the appointment of sailing-master in the Macedonian,
which had been selected as the flagship in the Southern Exploring Expedition. He
declined it because he did not think it would ever sail until reorganized. His
views proved to be correct, for it was deferred, remodeled, and eventually
sailed under Wilkes.
He was now detailed from the
second triangulation, to assist in the first trials of the great theodolite of
Houghton which had just been completed for Hassler. On this occasion heliotropes
were first used in this country in the survey, instead of tin cones, and their
glittering points could be seen by the naked eye from stations at the
astonishing distance of thirty or forty miles.
In the winter of 1837, he was
engaged in bringing up the work of the summer. This being done, Hassler made him
second assistant in the survey, and gave him charge of a party of triangulation.
No higher compliment could be paid his mathematical ability than this, for no
other naval officer has ever held this position.
In the spring he was promoted
to lieutenant, and received sailing orders. But his naturally strong eyes began
now to show the evils of overwork, and he had to give up everything in order to
save them. It was hard-just as he was about to receive the reward of his
incredible labor, to see it slip from his hands, and be compelled to sit down in
idleness. The weary summer passed away, but his disease seemed beyond the reach
of medical skill. As a last resort he went to Paris to consult Sichel, the
celebrated oculist. Here, to his great joy, his eyes began to improve. About
this time Paixhan was trying to draw the attention of the French Government to
his system of firing shells, and Dahlgren, finding that he could work again,
translated his pamphlet, and had it printed at his own expense, to distribute in
our navy. He also sent a copy to the board of commissioners; but the red-tape
system still had sway, and we did nothing but follow French and English
precedent.
In 1839, Dahlgren married, and
retired for a time into the country to establish his health. For two years this
man of untiring industry and keenly active mind never read a word, but labored
diligently on a farm to regain his health. This course saved his eyes, and he
was at length able to return to the service, when he was detailed to the
receiving-ship at Philadelphia.
In 1843, Dahlgren, leaving his
family of three children, one of whom was Ulric, went to sea in the frigate Cumberland
under Commodore, now Admiral, Joseph Smith, and cruised in the Mediterranean.
Foote was first lieutenant, and a friendship on this cruise sprung up between
the two officers, which lasted for twenty years, unmarred by a single
misunderstanding.
Returning at the commencement
of the war with Mexico, he was assigned to ordnance duty, though he applied for
active service. In 1847 he was placed over the Rocket Department just then being
introduced. Everything was in confusion, yet he was able by his great energy to
manufacture and send off, in a short time, a lot of rockets to the Mexican
coast.
Seeing the want of system in
the ordnance work, Dahlgren proposed to collect the scattered parts into a
department. The bureau approved of his views and directed him to take charge of
the matter. He could not wait to put up large buildings, and so he had the ship
timber cleared out of one end of a timber shed, and there set up the first
ordnance workshop of the country. For seven years he occupied these limited
quarters, and there devised the present armament of the navy. From such small
beginnings arose the present great establishment. There too commenced the most
important revolution in the arming of ships that ever occurred. Dahlgren could
with difficulty obtain a room to write in; but, as he said, "the field was
ample and al. most untouched, and my will was good."
A board of officers in 1845
had recommended the introduction of guns of a uniform size in the navy
32-pounders, in imitation of the English system-and Dahlgren was now to fix
sights on these and ascertain their range. But there being no level ground near,
sufficiently extensive for his purpose, he proposed to substitute for it the
smooth surface of the river. But such an experiment for accurate results had
never been tried, and he had to devise some means to determine with precision
the jet of water thrown up by the shot when it struck the surface. The ingenious
method by which he overcame all difficulties is too scientific for popular
apprehension-it is sufficient to say that his success was perfect-for nothing
seemed too difficult for his inventive mind. With no aid but a mechanic, he
worked out his problem, a full account of which may be found in his report to
the Bureau. He soon discovered that this unit system of 32-pounders robbed us of
some of our best guns, and was a foolish imitation of a false system, and hence
began to plan his great revolution in naval armament.
But another subject of almost
equal importance began at the same time to occupy his teeming brain. The navy
had no boat guns-some old carronade or army piece serving as such in case of
necessity-and he determined to create a "naval light artillery."
Carrying out his project, he submitted to the Bureau a system of howitzer boat
armament, and asked leave to prosecute the work. He knew the difficulties that
he would have to encounter in introducing changes in the navy; but he resolved
to make the attempt. He had, up to this time, never seen a gun cast, or
finished, or drafted, or had computed one himself. Although he had only the most
primitive means at hand, yet the first gun was made—and there being no boring
lathe in the yard, he had it finished on an ordinary lathe. It required a
peculiar carriage, and this he also devised.
Having at length completed his
experimental piece, he invited Warrington, the chief of the Bureau, to come down
and see it. The old hero had been delighted at his success in sighting the
32-pounders, and his ingenious method of getting their ranges, and was,
therefore, in a mood to look favorably on any scheme which Dahlgren might
propose.
The practice of the piece
equalled his most sanguine expectations, and it was afterwards constantly
exhibited to officers and tried in every possible way. Vindicating its claims
under every ordeal, it had to be pronounced a complete success, and from that
time dates the boat howitzer system. Though he met with after opposition, he
triumphed over it all, and in 1850, the Navy Department recognized the system
and ordered a full compliance with it, and it remains at this day unaltered from
its first design.
A full and interesting account
of the whole matter, together with a description of the piece, its mode of
firing, plates, &c., will be found in a book published by him, entitled
"Boat Armament of the United States Navy." It is full of interest,
even to the non-professional reader.
Dahlgren had now made one
great stride forward; he had, besides, got the entering wedge into the old,
clumsy, stereotyped system, and he meant to drive it home. Stepping out in the
bold originality of true genius, he planned no less than the overthrow of the
whole system of naval armament. Penetrating with his acute mind the weakness of
that of England and France, which we had tamely copied, he determined to show to
the world one of his own, and invoke the test of actual experiment to prove its
value.
No one but a person similarly
situated, can appreciate how Herculean was the task which Dahlgren had assigned
himself; for he needed the lever of Archimedes to lift the world of prejudice
opposed to him. Like Galileo, who, after long watching the heavens through his
diminutive telescope, at last exclaimed "il muove," "it moves;" so Dahlgren, after his long
reflection and observation said, it moves-the world moves, and by its motion
overthrows systems hoary with age, and strengthened by the verdict of
generations.
Archimedes said he would lift
the world, if he had anything to stand on—so with Dahlgren; he wanted
something to stand on in his gigantic effort, and that was influence. This he
knew he could not secure from the Navy; for those who represented it had
recently decided on the 32-pounder system. He must, therefore, fall back on
actual facts to get it, and he set to work to amass such a body of these, as
even prejudice could not override. This he did, unobserved by any one, as he
watched each day’s practice. An accident, in the mean time, unexpectedly came
to his aid. He had stated to the chief that the powerful guns of the 32-pounder
system lacked accuracy, and the accurate ones lacked power.
On the 13th of November, 1849,
a new heavy 32-pounder burst, on being fired, killing the gunner, while a
fragment of it weighing two thousand pounds tore up the earth within a foot of
Dahlgren. Dahlgren had previously asked leave to submit a draft of a gun of his
own, and this accident gave force to his request, and he drafted the 9-inch
shell gun. This was in 1850—the same year in which he published his first work
on ordnance, being the report on "practice with 32-pounders," —and
before it closed he had the satisfaction of seeing his first 9-inch gun laid on
the wharf of the Navy Yard. During the session of Congress, being applied to by
the chairman of the naval committee for some information respecting war
steamers, he sketched a large propeller, to be armed with the heavy cannon on
hand, "going’" he said, "as far as he considered safe in
entrenching on old ideas."
His 9-inch gun proving to be a
success in every way, he asked for the casting of an 11-inch gun. The chief,
Warrington, granted his request, saying that he "never gave him confidence by halves," This liberality of view
does him great credit, for he had to stand almost alone by Dahlgren, who was
looked upon by many as a dangerous innovator-his pieces being uncouth in form
compared to ordinary cannon, while to talk of an entire battery of shell-guns,
was downright heresy. He, however, finished his 11-inch gun, and his firm friend
Warrington lived just long enough to know of its completion, when he suddenly
died. His death was a great misfortune to Dahlgren, arid delayed the fulfillment
of his plans for several years.
This year, being one of a
board of commissioners appointed by the Secretary of War to investigate and
report on coast defenses, he, in his paper, introduced his plan of a screw
frigate with 9-inch guns on the gun deck and a pivot 10- or 11-inch on the spar
deck—all shell guns—but to be capable of firing shot if necessary. This was
printed by order of Congress.
Thus he was gradually
preparing the way for more decided action. In 1852, at the request of the
chairman of the Naval Committee, Mr. Stanton, he gave his views in full to
Congress. The latter made an able speech, in which he fortified his views with
lengthy quotations from Dahlgren’s paper, and moved an appropriation to carry
out his plan. But meeting the opposition of the Navy Department and some of the
bureaus, his resolution failed, and Dahlgren had still to wait and hope on. This
year he published his work on boat armament.
In 1853, while maturing his
plans and collecting facts, he published his third work on ordnance,
"Percussion Primers and Locks."
The necessity of steam instead
of sailing frigates becoming more palpable every day, an appropriation for
building them was obtained. They were to be 3,000 tons burthen, the largest ever
built; but it was found that the regulation cannon, thirty-two pounders, would
not answer for them, and here, as if to meet this very exigency, came in
Dahlgren’s armament. Although a facetious old gentleman called the
queer-looking cannon tadpoles, Dahlgren told him he would find they would be
full grown frogs in time. He proposed to place nine-inch guns on the main deck,
and to put eleven-inch ones above them. This last proposition was pushing
matters too far, and the bold innovation had to bide its time. He was told,
however, that if he would draft a ten-inch gun it should be carried as a chase
gun, one at each end. Dahlgren remonstrated against interfering -with his plan
in this way, but it was of no use. The result was that the Merrimac had his main-deck battery, and the Niagara his spar-deck battery, and thus made his plan, as Dahlgren
said,’" like a circus rider that rides around the ring with a foot on:
each horse."
The next year he was hard at
work getting the guns for the six new frigates that were to be built, besides
attending to other ordnance duty. In the midst of his labors he was stricken to
the earth by the; death of his wife, leaving him with five orphan children.
In the fall, he was promoted
to Commander. In the beginning of56, Commodore Morris, chief of the bureau of
ordnance, died, and the President wished to give Dahlgren the post; but, as the
law required that officer to be at least a captain, he proposed to defer the
appointment till it could be changed. Dahlgren, however, objected to this, and
it was not done.
This year he published his
second edition of Boat Armament, making his fourth work on ordnance; and before
it closed he gave to the world his chief work, "Shells and Shell
Guns." This is a very full and exhaustive work, and though containing many
new ideas which at the time seemed chimerical, time and experience have proved
their soundness and value.
Dahlgren, seeing how
impossible it was to get his system fairly tried at sea by others, in 1857
applied for a command afloat, that he might test it himself. After much
opposition he obtained command of the Plymouth,
a sloop-of-war, with full permission to alter and arrange her at his pleasure.
Although his eleven-inch guns were too large for a frigate of 3,000 tons, he
boldly mounted one on his sloop-of-war, and put to sea. Making a gunnery-ship of
her as he sailed, he cruised along the European coast, touching at various ports
and visiting the principal foundries, and navy yards, and ships-of-war of the
old world.
On his return he reported that
the monster gun was perfectly manageable at sea. Thus by actual experiment he
had overthrown the last objection, and so finally disappeared the last vestige
of opposition to his system, and it soon after was adopted in the arming of our
national vessels. Long years of thought, labor, experiment, and of "hope
deferred that maketh the heart sick" had been passed, but victory came at
last—not partial and qualified, but complete and triumphant.
In 1858, when news came of the
liberties that British cruisers were taking with our merchantmen, Dahlgren was
sent in the Plymouth to look after the
matter. Fortunately, no collision occurred—the trouble was amicably
settled—and he sailed for Port-au-Prince to settle a difficulty about the
Guano Island of Nevassa. From thence he went to Vera Cruz to convey our Minister
to Mexico, and while there took upon himself the responsibility of settling
difficulties at Tampico, growing out of outrages committed on American citizens,
and for his services received the thanks of the merchants, whose property he had
saved.
Returning to Washington, he
had the satisfaction, during the year, of seeing his 11-inch guns ordered to
most of the new screw sloops-of-war of the Brooklyn
class that were then building.
The next year, 1859, he
proposed the building of a large and suitable foundry—the interior of which he
designed himself, —and the work was begun.
During the year, the Armstrong
gun of England was much talked about, and rifled cannon, for a while, threatened
to throw Dahlgren’s improvements into the background. He at once took up the
subject and proposed two rifled cannon—one iron and the other bronze—the
latter of which, designed for boat armament, was adopted, and still holds its
place.
In 1860, still devoting
himself to the question of rifled cannon, he, after careful study, adhered in
the main to his old system. The subject, however, of monster rifled guns still
occupied him, when his investigations were cut short by the breaking out of the
rebellion. One of his last acts was to urge on the Department the necessity of
providing some iron-clads for the navy, and referred to a proposition which he
had made eight years before. By accident this memorial found its way to
Congress, instead of his report on rifled cannon which had been called for, and
awakened a great deal of attention; but nothing was or could be effected towards
their construction till imminent danger demanded that something should be done,
and that speedily. It seems strange that the views of a man who, for so many
years, had shown that he knew more than the Department and all the naval Bureaus
put together, should have been thus ignored; but it is only one of the countless
blunders of the same kind which have been committed.
At the beginning of the war,
the navy yards of the country were generally under the command of officers whose
homes were near them—hence most of the stations South were controlled by those
who sympathized with the secessionists. This was also the case at Washington,
which Dahlgren observed with considerable anxiety. Rumors were abroad that the
navy yard was to be seized, and ill-looking fellows whom nobody knew began to
cluster about the corners and places of resort in the city. Dahlgren saw that it
behooved him to look to his charge, and so selecting the most defensible
building, he secretly removed into it all the breech-loading rifles and light
artillery, and barricaded all the doors except two, which he commanded by his
howitzers. No one was allowed to enter it but a small body of seamen employed in
the ordnance, and who he knew would obey his orders whatever they might be. The
powder he had carried into the cock-loft of the large ordnance shop, which was
in range of his guns in the shell-house, and could be fired in a moment, if
necessary. He then sent all his spare money to Philadelphia for the use of his
family, and calmly awaited the forthcoming events.
Mobs, incendiary fires, and
rumors of sacking Washington, kept the inhabitants in a state of feverish
excitement during the winter. April came with its stirring events, and at last
the storm broke, and the sound of cannon around Fort Sumter fell on the country
like a thunder-clap at noon-day. The Government awoke from its dream of
security; volunteers were called for and the land shook to the tread of armed
hosts. In the mean time, our troops were driven back from Baltimore, the capital
became isolated, and a cloud, black as night, hung over the country. At last the
arsenal of Harper’s Ferry was seized, and now the Navy Yard at Washington
might be next attacked.
One afternoon Dahlgren was
sitting in his office, occupied in making dispositions of arms and ammunition,
when a confidential messenger from the Navy Department entered with a message
that it distrusted the state of affairs in the yard, and wished him to take
immediate command. He sent back word that the Department might fully rely on
him, and at once sallied out to take such measures as might be necessary. While
thus employed, a messenger approached and said that the commandant wished to see
him. On going to his office, this officer said he was about to resign, and
wished to turn over the command to him. Very few words passed, and Dahlgren
resumed his preparations for defence, for the yard was so exposed on almost
every side to attack, that four or five hundred resolute men might have easily
seized it. There were only about ninety seamen and marines altogether, to defend
it, with such little aid as might be obtained from two war steamers in the
river, whose crews did not probably exceed one hundred and fifty men. With the
fall of the Navy Yard, an easy road was open to the city, and yet it furnished
no support to the former. The capital was never in so much danger afterwards, as
at this critical period, when Dahlgren took command. He, however, determined
with his handful of seamen to defend it to the last, and if it fell, to fall
himself amid its ruins. He placed howitzers at commanding points, while he
brought up the mail steamers to assist him in keeping open the Potomac, now the
only channel of communication between the capital and the North. He hurried
forward matters with such energy, that by midnight of the day he took command,
he had manned and equipped one of these steamers, and placing her in charge of
an old boatswain, whose locks had grown white in the service of his country,
sent her down the Potomac to capture suspicious looking crafts, and to furnish
pilots to any vessels loaded with Northern troops who might be coming up to the
relief of the capital.
The rest of the week was one
of constant toil and excitement to Dahlgren, for everything was quivering in the
balance; but at last the troops arrived, and shortly after the road was open
through Baltimore.
During this brief period,
Dahlgren was constantly on the move, eating and sleeping anywhere, except in his
quarters, and though his work was unheralded by the smoke of battle and
unaccompanied by the shouts of victory, it was nevertheless the most important
one he ever performed.
In the movement on Alexandria
on the 24th of May, he cooperated with some steamers, and personally
superintended the operations. When at daybreak the Zouaves jumped ashore, and
the possession of the place was assured, Dahlgren lay down on a sofa in his
steamer to snatch a few moments’ repose, but had hardly closed his eyes when
the quartermaster awoke him with the startling news that Ellsworth was killed.
Springing ashore, he met a detail of Zouaves bearing the body to the wharf.
Directing them to his own steamer, he returned to the Navy Yard.
In the afternoon, the
President drove down to the Yard, and after speaking with a great deal of
feeling for Ellsworth, and showing how shocked he was at his sudden and violent
death, he asked Dahlgren if it would be proper to have the funeral services at
the White House. The latter replied it would be proper to consult his own
feelings entirely. He did so, and had the services in the Presidential mansion.
In the occupation of
Alexandria, a troop of Virginia cavalry were taken prisoners, and lodged in the
Navy Yard. These Dahlgren treated with the utmost kindness, until their release
at his own earnest request in June.
On that memorable Sunday of
the battle of Bull Run, the Navy Yard being almost deserted—as the
Seventy-first Regiment quartered there had gone to the front—the President
drove down towards evening for a ride, and in a conversation with Dahlgren, said
the battle had begun; that he had telegrams from the field, and all was going on
well. But before he had been gone half an hour, Dahlgren also had a telegram
from General Mansfield, asking him to send a vessel with dispatch to Alexandria,
to cover the approaches. The former knew at once that all was not going on well;
for this dispatch showed plainly that the army was falling back. Hurrying down
the Perry, the only vessel on hand, he had not long to wait before the full
extent of the calamity became known.
"Black Monday,” with
Washington crowded with refugees, followed. Dahlgren was now called on to help
man the lines in front, and he sent down three 8-inch ship-cannon and five
howitzers, under a body of trained seamen and some marines, which formed a naval
battery that proved to be of great service. His son Ulric, only nineteen years
of age, here began that brilliant career which had so tragic an end, being
volunteer aid to Captain Foxhall Parker, who commanded the battery.
In August, Congress, by a
special act, enabled him, though only a commander, to hold command of the Navy
Yard. During the year and some months that he held this appointment, he was not
called upon to take any very active part in naval operations, except as
connected with the quiet duties of the yard. His position, however, threw him
into constant contact with the principal actors in the great drama going on, and
his reminiscences of events and conversations would make an interesting book in
itself.
The transforming of merchant
vessels into war ships to help keep open the Potomac, occupied much of his
attention, and made a busy scene of the Navy Yard.
Foote, out west, was hard at
work, but in great want of seamen, and Dahlgren sent to him during the winter
the naval force which had been on the lines and in Fort Ellsworth. The former
had previously written to his old friend: "I expect of course to be shot by
a Kentucky rifleman; but I mean to die game, as there must be a providence in
all these things."
The autumn and winter passed
with its usual excitements, and with the return of spring came the great raid of
the Merrimac into the waters around Fortress Monroe. On the Sunday that the
tidings were received of the terrible destruction she was making with our
vessels of war, Dahlgren was sitting in the ordnance office, attending to public
business that could not be postponed, when the President was announced. He
stepped out to the carriage, when Mr. Lincoln said, "Get your hat and ride
up with me." As he took his seat by the President’s side the latter said,
"‘I have frightful news to tell you," and then in a calm though
earnest manner related to him what the Merrimac
had done and threatened to do. In half an hour they were at the White House,
where assembled in cabinet meeting were several of the secretaries and General
McClellan. After some desultory conversation, the telegrams that had been
received were carefully read over and discussed. The President then turned to
McClellan, Meigs and Dahlgren, and said: "Now you are a committee to advise
measures; just step into the next room and talk it over." But the
conclusions they came to were of no consequence, as the arrival of the Monitor
settled the matter.
When in the following May the
President rode through Fredericksburg and reviewed McDowell’s army, Dahlgren
accompanied him, and remarked as it filed away that it would soon be at Hanover
Junction, to give McClellan a helping hand. So thought the President. But next
morning just at daylight, as they reached the Navy Yard, on their return, and
the President crossed the plank from the boat, a telegram was handed him.
Glancing at it, he said "Good-morning" to Dahlgren, and stepping into
the carriage, drove off with the Secretary of War. That telegram announced the
onslaught of Jackson at Harper’s Ferry. Soon after, Dahlgren received a
telegram from Washington, asking him if he could send some howitzers to
Harper’s Ferry to help defend it. He replied, "Yes, and heavy cannon,
too," and that evening, both, with a choice body of seamen, were being
whirled fast as steam could carry them on the railroad to the threatened point.
The only officer he could spare was a young Master, who, with his son Ulric,
soon had them planted, and the 9-inch shells sending consternation among the
rebel troops, to whom such enormous missiles of death were the more terrific as
they were new. On Thursday, late at night, Ulric came to the War Department with
the news of the repulse of Jackson, and returned a captain.
On the 18th of July, 1862,
Dahlgren was commissioned Chief of Bureau of Ordnance. A year before it had been
offered him, but he declined it, preferring the Navy Yard, if he could not be
given more active service. It seems hard at first glance, that an officer who
had done so much to make the navy efficient, and shown such great capacity,
should be kept on shore, while others scarcely known before were winning a
world-wide reputation. But it should be remembered in the first place, that
somebody of ability must hold this post, and to whom did it more properly belong
than to him? In the second place, there would be manifest injustice in taking a
gallant officer from the field where he was winning renown, and shutting him up
in a bureau, in which he would be wholly lost sight of. Such an officer would
say, and rightly too, that Dahlgren, having secured a reputation second to no
naval officer in the world in the ordnance department, should be satisfied with
it, and leave to others, less fortunate, the field where rank and renown were to
be won by gallant deeds. Though the country has a right to the services of her
best men in the way she chooses, yet to have good officers, justice must be done
to all.
Dahlgren’s new position
necessarily brought him into connection with all the navy yards, foundries of
cannon, &c., of the country, and his field became as wide as the theatre of
military operations.
Meanwhile, in August, he was
made Captain. Soon after, the news of Pope’s battles in front of Washington
began to throw the city into the wildest alarm. On the 19th of August, the
President sent for Dahlgren on official business, and after it was finished,
began to talk over the situation of affairs, closing with the remark "Now I
am to have a sweat of it for five or six days." Dahlgren, in the mean time,
felt very anxious about his son Ulric, who was fighting on the lines in front,
and of whom he could hear but little. But one day the latter burst unexpectedly
into his office beaming with health and spirits. Soon after, passing out of the
department, they suddenly came upon President Lincoln, who took Ulric warmly by
the hand, while a pleasant smile lighted his countenance—now worn and
anxious—and drawing him inside the door, said, "Come now, tell me what
you have seen." The young soldier rapidly and clearly narrated the events
of the past few days, while the President, leaning forward, lost not a word.
When he was through, the latter shook him by the hand, and asked him to come and
see him again. Not long after, this gallant youth galloped into Fredericksburg
with fifty or sixty cavalrymen, and returned with half his number, prisoners.
Among the incorporators of the
National Academy of Science, authorized by Congress this session, Dahlgren was
named as one, but he declined the honor, because his public duties required all
his time.
In the spring he visited the
naval ports in the West, to see to the arming of the ironclads, and while at
Cairo, heard of the failure of Dupont before Charleston.
When the Government finally
relieved Dupont from the command of the South Atlantic Squadron, and put Foote
in his place, the latter came to his old friend Dahlgren and urged him to go
with him. Though Dahlgren wanted sea service, he preferred an independent
command, but he finally consented to command the iron-clads of the fleet. The
sudden illness and death of Foote broke up this plan, and Dahlgren was ordered
to take his place. This was the 22d of Jan., 1863, and two days after he started
for New York to set sail for Charleston. The next week, having purchased a small
screw steamer from a packet line, he hurried away with but one staff officer,
and not a single domestic, or scarcely the equipment and outfit of a midshipman.
Reaching Port Royal and
assuming command of the fleet, he was told by General Gillmore that he wanted
him to cooperate immediately in a movement designed to effect a lodgment on
Morris Island. Dahlgren had not yet seen the vessels that would be required in
the attack—three monitors, he knew, were in the hands of mechanics undergoing
repairs—he had not yet formed a staff, he knew nothing of the locality by
actual inspection, and was without instructions, yet he was determined that no
delay should be charged on him, and he told Gillmore to name the day. The latter
said Wednesday, and Dahlgren at once put forth every energy to be ready for
battle. The next day Gillmore asked to have the attack deferred for one day.
Wednesday night Dahlgren; was off Charleston Bar, and the following morning
received word from Gillmore that he had postponed the attack for another day, as
he was not ready. At length, on Friday morning, the movement began; our troops
were landed, and the enemy breaking fled up to Fort Wagner. Dahlgren, seeing
this, steamed after, rolling his ponderous shells along the beach behind the
fugitives, and in a short time laid his own monitor abreast of Fort Wagner,
followed by the others in line of battle, and opened a terrific fire, which he
kept up till noon. Had Gillmore followed up his first success, he doubtless
could have entered the fort in triumph. All the southern defenses had fallen,
and a vigorous assault on the astonished enemy gave every promise of success. At
all events, it should have been made then or not at all.
Dahlgren renewed the attack
after giving his men a little refreshment, and kept it up till six o’clock,’
when he withdrew, for he saw that Gillmore intended to make no further effort
that day. The severity of the rebel fire may be judged from the fact, that
Dahlgren’s vessel was struck sixty-seven times. Although disappointed in
Gillmore’s neglect to seize the auspicious moment and dash over the rebel
works, he was delighted with the powers of endurance shown by the monitors.
Gillmore, in his official report, said that the work of occupying the island
could have been done without the navy—then why blame Dupont as he did for not
cooperating with him? Either this was not true, or he was guilty of unnecessary
delay in putting off the attack till the arrival of Dahlgren, and then making
him wait day after day. But he knew that but for the presence of the monitors,
the rebel iron-clads would have come down from Charleston and scattered his
forces to the winds. However, the next morning Gillmore thought he would try and
see what he could do independent of the navy, and ordered an assault without
even notifying Dahlgren, and was sadly defeated.
At length, on the 18th of
July, came that last fatal assault. Gillmore had signalled in the morning that
he would be ready at noon, and at half past eleven Dahlgren got under way in the
Montauk, followed by the Patapsco,
Catskill, Weehawken, and
the Ironsides. At half past twelve he
opened with the first gun, and in a few minutes the action became general, and
it flamed and thundered from land and water all that hot summer afternoon, while
the army inland stood and listened to the uproar. At first the tide was low, so
that Dahlgren could not get nearer than twelve hundred yards; but at four
o’clock it had flowed so as to give deeper water, and, ordering his anchor up,
he steamed to within three hundred yards, closing steadily and sternly with the
fort. So rapid and well directed was the fire, that the rebel guns were
silenced; and Dahlgren, mounting to the top of the turret to survey the hostile
batteries, could not see a head exposed. Night came on, and through the darkness
our brave columns surged up to the blazing works, only to melt away and
disappear in the gloom.
The next morning Dahlgren sent
ashore a flag of truce with a surgeon, to ask for our wounded, and if the
request was refused to offer medical aid. Both proposals were rejected. Two days
after, he heard that his son Ulric had been dangerously wounded at Gettysburg.
Gillmore now began his regular
but slow approaches towards Wagner, which gave the enemy time to strengthen
Sumter.
Gillmore, at times, seemed
quite independent of the navy, yet on the 11th of August he signalled Dahlgren
that Wagner had opened on him with grape and canister, and evidently intended an
assault; and asked him to be ready with his gunboats. In a half hour came
another telegram, "Open as soon as possible, the enemy’s fire is
heavy." Dahlgren did so, sweeping with his terrible fire the whole ground
between our lines and the fort.
At half past three in the
morning he went up the harbor in his barge, to examine matters personally, as it
was his custom to do, and on returning came very near being sunk by the heavy
guns of Wagner.
Dahlgren, generous and noble,
like most of our naval officers, who are ever willing to give the cooperating
land forces all the honor they deserve,, endeavored to remove the ill feeling
which had been produced at Washington against Gillmore, for his ill-judged,
badly managed assault on Wagner; and requested his flag lieutenant Preston, who
was obliged to return North for his health, to see the President, and by
explanations remove the bad impressions which he had received. He did so, and
the result was: Mr. Lincoln ordered five thousand men to reinforce Gillmore,
although Halleck was opposed to it.
In striking contrast with this
noble conduct, Gillmore soon began to shift the responsibility of the delays in
taking Charleston on Dahlgren and the navy.
In the bombardment of the 18th
of August, the latter, after silencing Fort Wagner, shifted his flag from the Weehawken
to the Passaic, and with the Patapsco
steamed up to Sumter and opened fire. Although the latter, with Gregg and
Moultrie, concentrated a terrible fire on these two vessels, he had by noon
silenced it. As he withdrew, he learned with grief that Captain Rodgers, his
fleet captain, had been killed.
The shore batteries having at
length made sad breaches in Sumter, Dahlgren, on the 22d and 23d, again moved
against it, but it was found to be impregnable as ever, in fact the lower
casemates, mounted with heavy guns, were in excellent condition.
On the night of the 26th
Dahlgren determined to feel the defenses at the entrance of the harbor, on his
own responsibility, but a heavy squall of wind and rain, succeeded by a heavy
fog and blinding storm, kept him groping helplessly about all night, and nothing
was accomplished.
An after effort was equally
unsuccessful, but in the engagement that followed, he had another fleet captain
shot.
The siege of Wagner and
bombardment of Sumter went on, and Gillmore, impatient of success and annoyed
that he could make no more headway, began to insist that no guns were mounted on
Sumter, and therefore the fleet could go past it. This was mere conjecture on
his part, for he had never been anything like as near to it as Dahlgren. He also
insinuated that a programme had been agreed on between him and the naval
commander, and that he had performed his part, and now it remained for the
latter to do his, when in fact there had been no such programme at all.
Dahlgren’s orders were explicit—to cooperate with and assist Gillmore, which
he did.
The whole question is,
however, too absurd to be treated seriously. For six weeks the fleet and army
had tried in vain to take Wagner alone, and yet the former unaided, according to
Gillmore, was quite able to go inside, carry all the batteries that lined the
shore clear up to the city—each more powerful than Wagner and commanding each
other—or else pass them. But if he could have done the latter, the ironclads
would have been cut off from coal and ammunition, and all succor from the
troops. It was a new military maxim he was introducing, "divide and
conquer."
At length on the 6th of
September, the rebels evacuated Fort Wagner, and Morris Island fell into our
possession. All hoped that Sumter would now be abandoned, but the bombardment of
it by Gillmore’s heavy guns, two and two and a half miles distant, instead of
making clean breaches through the walls, as it would have done at short ranges,
and with a concentrated fire, had only pounded it into sand, that falling to the
base simply converted a stone fort into a sand work like Wagner. When Dahlgren
ascertained this fact, he determined to try and carry it by storm. By accident
he learned that Gillmore intended to assault it also, on the same night. It was
then determined that the attack should be a combined one.
On the night agreed upon,
Dahlgren advanced his column in boats, and waited to hear from Gillmore, to whom
he had sent his fleet captain, Preston, to see that everything was well
understood. The latter returning and reporting all was right, Dahlgren gave the
order to advance. Preston asked to lead his division, to which the former
reluctantly consented, as it left him without a staff officer, except one who
was very young. Before starting, however, he said, "Are you sure that
all is right, and no mistake with the General?" He replied,
"Yes." Then said Dahlgren, "Go." He never saw him again. In
the meantime he steamed up nearer, and then got into his boat and pulled for the
fort. It was half an hour or more after midnight, and, just as the oarsmen were
dipping their blades, a heavy volley of musketry broke from Sumter; then a
rocket shot into the air, followed by a red light that blazed up in the
darkness. The next moment the batteries on Sullivan and James Islands opened.
Dahlgren kept on, but all was still in Sumter; the conflict was over. The rowers
paused, while the shells from the neighboring batteries and rebel ironclads
blazed and screamed, and burst over and around his boat, lighting up the waters
of the harbor like day.
The assault had failed, and
Dahlgren now attempted to regain his steamer, but it had moved off, and he spent
the whole night in searching for it.
Gillmore’s column never came
up at all, owing, as he said afterwards, to the state of the tide, it being too
low for his boats. A sad comment this on his own sagacity. Had he never thought
of the tide, when a few hours before he told the gallant Preston that his column
would be up in time?
Dahlgren had before become
sadly weakened in his naval force, by damage to his vessels, &c., so that he
had but four monitors left, with the Ironsides,
fit for duty, and now, by those lost in the assault, he was weakened in men. Of
this small fleet, one, the Montauk,
was sadly in need of repairs, and another had her smoke pipe nearly carried
away.
The failure of this assault
awakened a great deal of senseless clamor against Dahlgren, brought about in a
great measure by the statements of newspaper correspondents, who hovered around
Gillmore’s headquarters to manufacture public opinion. The former was blamed
for attempting the only thing that remained to be done; for, to endeavor with
his few vessels to force the entrance of the harbor, would have been simply
suicide.
On the 5th of October, a
torpedo exploded under the Ironsides,
which came very near being a very serious accident.
The public being greatly
dissatisfied that Charleston was not taken, and the Navy Department coming in
for its share of abuse—the more severe, because of its treatment of
Dupont—it ordered a council of war to be called in the fleet, to decide upon
the propriety of an attempt to force an entrance into the harbor. In this
Dahlgren took no part, except to submit all the papers, &c., necessary to
come to a just conclusion. Its decision was "that there would be extreme
risk without adequate results, by entering the harbor of Charleston with seven
monitors, the object being to penetrate to Charleston."
After this decision by the
gallant commanders of those vessels, who had been so long on the spot, it is a
waste of words to discuss the propriety of Gillmore’s assertion, that they
could and ought to do it. An admiral who should take the opinion of a military
officer, whose operations are all on land, against the decision of a board of
naval commanders, would deserve to be dismissed the service. If any other proof
were wanted of the wisdom of Dahlgren’s course, we might cite a letter of
General Sherman to him, when operating from Savannah, in which he declares,
"it would be unwise to subject his ships to the heavy artillery of the
enemy, and his sunken torpedoes." The truth is, the passage of the forts
below New Orleans and off Mobile, had greatly misled the public, in its judgment
of the whole matter. In both the other cases, when the point of danger was
passed, there was a clear river or open water beyond, where the vessels were
safe from attack; but in Charleston harbor, they could only silence
batteries—not get away from them—a useless business, unless there was a land
force to occupy them. Sherman, who knew Charleston harbor well, corroborates
this view. He says, that if Dahlgren " had gone into the inner harbor, and
up Cooper River, the enemy could easily have held all his works on James and
Sullivan’s Islands without trouble, &c." We think that General
Sherman and the decision of the council of war, versus the opinion of General
Gillmore, will be all that any man of common sense will need to come to a just
decision on Dahlgren’s course. The assertion of Gillmore was an after-thought
to shield himself from the blame that always attaches to a commander who fails
to meet the public expectation.
In November, while in
obedience to Gillmore’s request to keep the rebels from an attack by boats on
the face of Cummings Point, the Lehigh got aground in the darkness, when all the
batteries on Sullivan’s Island opened on her. Dahlgren at once signalled the
other ironclads to engage the batteries, while he went up in the Passaic
to investigate matters. Finding the Nahant
nearer the grounded vessel than he could get in his own, he took his barge and
rowed to her. Dr. Longshaw and two seamen then took a line in an open boat, and
passed through the fire to the Lehigh.
Three hawsers, which were carried aboard her, were cut in succession; one by
shot and the other two by the sharp edges of the deck. The shells fell in a
perfect shower around the two vessels, but a hawser was at length secured, and
the Nahant steamed ahead, but the Lehigh
would not stir. Dahlgren then ordered the Montauk
to make fast to the Nahant, and both
pull together. They started, and he watched the struggle with intense interest,
for if this effort did not succeed, the poor monitor would have to lie there for
twelve hours, the target of the enemy, before another could be made. But the
hawser held fast, and under the tremendous strain the Lehigh moved off amid the cheers of the crews, and once more floated
in deep water.
The latter part of this month
Dahlgren was cheered as well as saddened, by a visit from his gallant son Ulric,
who had recovered from his long illness, resulting from his wound at Gettysburg,
but at the sacrifice of his leg. In the mean time he kept pounding away at
Sumter, though effecting nothing. On the 6th of December, a gale arose, and he
saw with grief the Weehawken go down,
almost alongside, with between twenty and thirty of her crew. Winter was now on
them with its gales, and the monitors were almost constantly under water, the
sea breaking clean over their decks, leaving only the tops of the turrets dry.
The men, when wishing a little fresh air, clustered around the stacks to keep
warm, making the duty of keeping watch and ward here a most cheerless and trying
one. At night this was still worse, for torpedo boats had to be guarded against,
and blockade runners prevented from entering. Drenched, and chilled, and
wearied, they thus passed the long weeks, while men before their cheerful fires
at home criticized the naval commander, and wondered that more was not done.
In February, another vessel,
the Housatonic, was sunk by a torpedo.
Dahlgren had other duties
besides those in Charleston harbor. Three hundred miles of coast, including
seventeen ports, were under his charge, and had to be kept blockaded by a fleet
seldom numbering less than seventy vessels. The varied and multiplied duties
required of him, to direct and manage all this, were of the most exhausting
kind. During this trying period he lost four chiefs of staffs, thus necessarily
increasing his burdens.
In the latter part of
February, he visited Washington at the request of the Secretary of the Navy. He
reached the capital the 2d of March, the very night that his son Ulric was
killed below Richmond. When the sad news was received, President Lincoln sent
for him, and expressed the deepest sympathy with his great loss. Dahlgren saying
that he wished to go to Fort Monroe to learn more of his boy and recover his
body, "Go," replied the President, "ask no one, I will stand by
you." He went, but failed in his mission, and in the middle of April
prepared to return to the squadron. Before leaving, he complained to the
President of the abuse heaped upon him, to which Mr. Lincoln replied, “Well,
you never heard me complain, did you?" The latter spoke with tears in his
eyes of the fate of Ulric. As he pressed his hand for the last time, he little
dreamed that the fatal bullet would soon bring him to a similar end. Dahlgren
never saw him again, but he will remember those last kind words forever.
Arriving at Port Royal on the
2d of May, he found Gillmore had left with the tenth corps to join Butler. A
week later he was in Charleston harbor, when he again convened a council of war
to determine what course to pursue, in which it was decided that no serious
attack on Sumter should be made. Dahlgren therefore went down the coast to look
after the blockade. During the summer he forwarded to the committee on the
conduct of the war his answer to their queries respecting operations around
Charleston. We refer the reader who wishes to see a complete vindication of
Dahlgren, to this document. Foster having succeeded Gillmore, the latter planned
an expedition to Stone River, in which Dahlgren assisted with his monitors.
Although it failed of success, the latter performed his part thoroughly, and to
the satisfaction of the commander.
In August he had the
gratification of receiving the fifty prisoners that had been kept under fire in
Charleston, who cheered him as they came alongside. In the mean time he received
a photographic copy of the paper said to be found on his son when killed, in
which the burning of Richmond was ordered. He never believed for a moment the
foul calumny on his noble-spirited boy; but it was a satisfaction to find that
the paper itself, without further evidence, proved it to be a forgery, for the
signature was written “Dalhgren”
instead of “Dahlgren”—a mistake impossible for Ulric to have made.
Dahlgren made it the occasion of writing a reply to the slander of the rebels,
which he published in the Herald of
Aug. 8th. But while the summer passed thus without interest around Charleston,
Dahlgren’s squadron was busy along the Southern coast. Toward the latter part
of November, it being known that Sherman had cut loose from Atlanta, Foster
determined to make a diversion in his favor. To assist him Dahlgren organized a
fleet brigade. Although it numbered but five hundred men, it was complete; for
Dahlgren drilled! it himself. On the 29th of November the expedition started,
Dahlgren taking a squadron of light draft steamers, and his fleet brigade. It
moved up Broad River, and then struck inland for the Savannah and Charleston
Railroad., The enemy were met and a severe conflict followed, in which
Dahlgren’s fleet brigade, with their destructive howitzers, did good service,
and won the highest commendation.
On the 12th of December a
messenger reached Dahlgren from Sherman, who was near Savannah. Two days after,
Sherman himself met him in the Warsaw Sound, having come down to communicate
with him the moment Fort McAllister fell. They returned together to Ossabaw
Sound, and talked over the situation thoroughly. Sherman then went back to the
lines; but soon after, again came down to see Dahlgren, when they arranged for a
united attack on the works around Savannah.
They went together to Port
Royal to complete the arrangements, and the next day returned in the Harvest
Moon; but finding a gale outside, Dahlgren put into Tybee, and tried the inside
passage. Getting aground, he took Sherman in his barge and pulled for Ossabaw
Sound. Just before reaching it, a little tug was seen puffing away under a full
head of steam. As she came alongside the captain held up a slip of paper on
which was written: "Savannah has surrendered." Two days later,
Dahlgren had the pleasure of lunching with Sherman in the captured city. But,
soon after, hearing that the iron-clads of Charleston were coming out in a last
death struggle with his vessels, he hastened back; but found it was only a
sensation rumor.
In the beginning of the new
year he went to Savannah, to superintend the embarkation of the right wing of
the army under Howard, destined for Beaufort. It took place on the narrow
winding creek of St. Augustine; the banks of which, crowded with 20,000 or
30,000 men, presented a stirring spectacle. Dahlgren, struck with the dead
silence that reigned through the waiting ranks, said to Sherman: "They seem
to have no tongues." "Ah," replied the latter, with a grim smile,
"they can make noise enough when they
choose."
Dahlgren now bent all his
efforts to assist Sherman in carrying out his plans, and, before the army was
ready to move, he went to Charleston, to commence clearing out the obstructions
in the harbor.
The day before the hazardous
work was to begin, Dahlgren had been constantly on the move, attending to every
thing; and, wearied with his labors, about bed-time dropped to sleep on the
sofa. He had been asleep only a short time, when he was suddenly aroused by the
commander of the Patapsco, who stood
before him, and startled him with the brief announcement that his vessel had
just gone to the bottom, sunk by a torpedo. In one minute from the time it
exploded, the vessel was under the waves. One man below was saved; he saw much
in the fleeting moments allowed him to dart along the lower deck. He happened to
have his eyes directed to the ward-room, where many officers were gathered
around the table-one being seated upon it. In a twinkling the deck was blown
open, and the table and all around it dashed violently upward against the deck
above, that formed the ceiling of the apartment. The lights went out, and he
heard the men struggling desperately, but in vain, to get up the hatch. He made
for it himself, and, finding it free, dashed up it. The sea was pouring over it,
and some one, pressing close behind him, was borne back by the torrents of water
that rushed down, and never rose again. He himself struggled on deck, reaching
it just as it sunk beneath the surface; and, floating off, was picked up by the
boats.
Such was the brief, sad story
told to Dahlgren, who, aroused from his sleep by the startling intelligence,
jumped into his barge and pulled to the spot. It was midnight; not a sound broke
the Sabbath stillness of the scene; all was silent as death. The story was
told—the brave crew were sleeping their last sleep beneath the waves.
Soon after, he received a
letter from Sherman, announcing the commencement of his grand march, and the
direction he was taking. Dahlgren at once placed suitable forces in the Edisto
and Stono, to cooperate with him, and was everywhere superintending the
movements required to meet the exigencies arising in various quarters.
The Dai-ching in the mean time grounded in the Combahee, right under the
guns of a rebel battery. Chaplin, the commander, fought her bravely to the last,
and, when he found her a wreck, set her on fire, and escaped with his crew. On
the 1st of February, Dahlgren jots down: “Nothing from Sherman; he is marching
on, I know." At the same time he received a letter from his son Charles,
who landed with a detachment from his vessel to assist in the assault on Fort
Fisher. The latter wrote: “I fired my rifle thirty-four times from a rest, and
you know I never miss." This brave son participated in the siege of
Vicksburg.
Dahlgren’s vessels were
scattered all along the coast at this time, requiring him to move almost
continually from one point to another-one day being in the North Edisto, another
in the Stono, and a third in Bull’s Bay; one day superintending the fire of
those vessels engaged with the enemy, and another seeing to the landing of
troops.
Gillmore now came down to
supersede Foster, and Dahlgren, much to his regret, found himself once more in
communication with an officer in whose integrity and truthfulness he had no
confidence. However, it was the public interest first, and private griefs
afterwards; and he immediately consulted with him on the movements required to
assist Sherman, and a demonstration at Bull’s Bay was determined on. While
engaged in covering the landing of the troops, he received a dispatch from
Sherman, in cipher, dated at Midway, on the railroad. On the 17th, he sent some
vessels into the Stono to aid Schimmelfennig, and, at the same time, ordered the
naval battery on Morris Island to open fire, and all night the booming of his
heavy guns broke over the water.
The end was now approaching;
Charleston was evacuated, and Dahlgren steamed up the harbor with all his
captains aboard, and landed in the city. The streets were silent, the houses
shut; but a fire, kindled by the rebels, was still raging. This he soon
extinguished, and saved the city from further ruin. Next day he learned that
Lieutenant Bradford, who had been mortally wounded in the unsuccessful night
assault on Sumter and died in a Charleston hospital, had been dug up, after
being buried by a friend in the Magnolia Cemetery, and thrust ignominiously into
the Potter’s-field. He had him disinterred at once, and buried with the honors
due an American soldier.
Not knowing but that Sherman
would wish to open communication with the seaboard farther up the coast, he at
once sent some vessels and marines to seize Georgetown and hold it.
In the mean time he examined
the defenses of Charleston, and found ocular proof of what he knew before-that
an attempt to force his way up to it with his vessels would have been simply
foolhardiness and ended in defeat and disgrace. He then went to Georgetown, and
established everything on a firm footing there.
On the 1st of March, as he was
steaming out of the harbor, on his return to Charleston, and pacing the cabin
while breakfast was preparing, he was startled by a loud noise and shock, that
made everything rattle, and blew in the partition. He hurried out, and,
observing the men rushing for the boats, was about to ascend himself to the
upper deck, when he saw a great gap beside him, and felt the vessel sinking. A
torpedo had exploded under the boat, and she was fast settling in the water. A
tug near by, witnessing the disaster, steamed alongside, and took off the crew.
In a few minutes the Harvest Moon set
forever.
Hoisting his flag on another
vessel, he proceeded to Charleston to witness the dispersion of his command for
his long and weary work in Charleston Harbor was drawing to a close.
A correspondence now followed
between him and General Gillmore respecting the official report of the latter,
in which he reflected unjustly on Dahlgren and the navy in the operations before
Charleston, and also on the statement of his correspondents to the same effect.
We cannot give it here, and will only say that it was characterized on the one
hand by that straightforward, frank manner, so universal with naval officers,
and on the other with a disingenuousness always attached to one who, having done
wrong, will neither retract nor fairly meet it.
The balance of the time
previous to Lee’s and Johnston’s surrender, Dahlgren was employed in
removing obstructions in Charleston Harbor and in buoying out the channel and in
sending forces up the various rivers to protect the inhabitants and preserve
order.
On the 17th of June, having
sent home most of his vessels, he set sail for Washington, and on the 12th of
next month struck his flag as admiral of the South Atlantic Blockading Squadron.
The Navy Department, in relieving him, complimented him for " the ability
and energy " he had shown in his arduous command for two years, and
expressed its high " appreciation of his services and those associated with
him in the efficient blockade of the coast and harbors at a central and
important position of the Union, and in the work of repossessing the forts and
restoring the authority and supremacy of the Government in the Southern
States." Sherman also said, before the Committee on the Conduct of the War:
“On the morning of the 3d of May, we ran into Charleston Harbor, where I had
the pleasure of meeting Admiral Dahlgren, who had, in all my previous
operations, from Savannah northward, aided me with a constancy and manliness
that commanded my entire respect and deep affection." In what striking
contrast does this grand and noble testimony stand with the unjust statements
and Jesuitical language of Gillmore, whom he had aided in the same manly,
unselfish spirit, from beginning to end.
As soon as Dahlgren was free
from official duty, he devoted himself to caring for the remains of his gallant
son, which had been identified and brought on. Owing to the heat of the weather
the funeral ceremonies were deferred till October.
From the council chamber where
he lay, covered with the flag to uphold the honor of which he had given his
young life, it was but a short distance to the church. "Every spot was
alive with the memories of former days," for it had been pressed over and
over again by his young feet. His lifeless body was borne close by the door
where he had passed most of his brief life. From the windows, now crowded with
sympathizing spectators, had been witnessed day by day his boyish outgoings and
incomings. The church which was to witness the parting services had held him
each Sabbath as it came. The President and Cabinet, and high officers were
present. From Washington he was carried to Philadelphia, and laid in the Hall of
Independence. There the pastor who had baptized him delivered a discourse, when
with notes of solemn music, and surrounded by glittering bayonets, he was
carried to the grave, and gently, tenderly laid close beside his mother. Peace
to his ashes! Unselfish, noble, good, and gallant, he was beloved by all, and
almost adored by his father.
In February, Dahlgren was made
a member of a joint board to consider the defenses of our harbors, Gillmore was
a member of the same board, but Dahlgren refusing to serve with him, he was
detached; once with him was enough for Dahlgren. In May, he was named as
President of the Board of Visitors to the Naval School at Annapolis. He is now
in command of the South Pacific squadron.
Dahlgren, by his inventive
genius in the construction of ordnance, and his bold and original plan of arming
vessels of war, has done more for the Navy of our country, than probably any
single man in it. At the same time he has given it éclat abroad, for every European writer on ordnance and ship
armament, has to recognize his genius and improvements.
It is curious to see the
strange contradiction which is sometimes presented in the same man, between his
mental and moral character. Dahlgren, whose whole life seems to have been spent
in inventing and forging the most terrible instruments of death, increasing the
destructive power of cannon fourfold, is yet possessed of the gentlest,
tenderest feelings of our nature. To go over his works, and see how coolly and
scientifically he gauges destructive force, one might imagine him to be a man of
blood, one who loved carnage; whereas a kinder, gentler, nobler heart never beat
in a human bosom. His inventions and improvements are the result of careful
study of his profession, of scientific skill combined with original genius. In
any other profession in which his great mathematical ability and originality
could have had free scope, he would have made similar discoveries, and worked
out and introduced equally astonishing improvements.
One of the most remarkable
characteristics of his mind is its completeness. It does not advance one step,
and then wait to see that tested before proceeding to another. His plans, when
completed in his own brain, are also complete for actual adoption in all their
details. The inventions of most men reveal, on actual trial, some defect not
provided- for-show some point overlooked. But everything proceeding from
Dahlgren’s mind comes, like Minerva from the head of Jupiter, completely
panoplied. Indeed, so perfect has every improvement he has made been, that he
himself can hardly see where an alteration could be made. Nothing could show
more forcibly with what mathematical accuracy and certainty his mind works, and
how perfect is the intellectual machinery which has produced such wonderful
results.